Petro warns Trump’s endorsement could spark violence

Petro warns – With less than two weeks until Colombia’s runoff, President Gustavo Petro says President Trump’s endorsement of far-right Abelardo de la Espriella is interference—while warning a right-wing victory could bring a new wave of political violence.

Less than two weeks before Colombia heads to the polls for its runoff election, the argument has turned personal—and dangerous.

President Gustavo Petro. preparing to leave office. sat down to discuss the war on drugs and the state of security after Sunday’s first round. Abelardo de la Espriella, a far-right outsider endorsed by President Trump, finished first with 43.7% of the vote. Iván Cepeda, a far-left senator who says he would deepen Petro’s policies and legacy, came in second with 40.9%.

Days after that result, Petro said Trump’s choice amounts to interference in Colombia’s election. In a social media post after de la Espriella won. Trump issued what he called a “Complete and Total Endorsement.” Petro responded by accusing Washington of abandoning anti-drug mission cooperation for ideological reasons.

He framed the conflict as sovereignty versus foreign alignment. “Our republics were founded on the principles of freedom and sovereignty,” Petro said, claiming the U.S. government is siding with narco-paramilitarism. He pointed to Trump’s support of former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández. who was convicted in the U.S. of trafficking and recently pardoned by Trump. Petro also said friction between his administration and the White House has come “because we are progressives. because we are on the left. and because we disagree on issues like Gaza.”.

Petro, though, did not cut the relationship entirely. He said he hopes to maintain amicable terms with the Trump administration, which has sanctioned him personally, withdrawn his U.S. visa, and signaled criminal probes.

One sign of how relations are already stiffening came with a reported scheduling shift. A Colombian official working with Petro said he will no longer meet with New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. as he had initially planned during his visit to the United Nations. In a statement provided to CBS News. a mayor’s office spokesperson. Ivonne Rodriguez. said: “We understand President Petro will return to Colombia earlier than originally expected. and the meeting between Mayor Mamdani and the President won’t take place during this visit. But President Petro is always welcome in New York City and the Mayor continues to be interested in discussing how to advance dignity and democracy here and in Colombia.”.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio also entered the dispute in recent weeks. He said the current Colombian government has been “problematic. ” while calling most of the region “filled with American allies.” He added that the U.S. would be “very forceful in guaranteeing that there is a free and fair election in Colombia.”.

Petro’s message to voters was sharper when he turned to violence. He warned that if the right comes to power, Colombia will see a wave of political violence.

He was defensive when asked who is responsible for the conditions on the ground. Petro insisted that the overall homicide rate has remained relatively stable during his government. citing figures hovering around 25 to 26 homicides per 100. 000 inhabitants. What has changed. he said. is the kind of violence: “Sicariato. ” or contract killings. has increased. while what he calls “social crime. ” crime that “comes from society itself. ” has decreased.

He did not deny criminal groups have grown stronger on his watch.

When pressed on whether a rightward shift in Colombia is tied to rising violence—alongside failed peace negotiations with terrorist groups—Petro argued Colombia has a long history of polarization and that global manipulation campaigns are turning political opponents into enemies.

“In Colombia, hatred immediately produces deaths,” he said. “Promoting a discourse of hatred, as is happening these days, ‘gut the progressives…’ is inciting a violence that could become unstoppable in this country.”

That theme—who is inflaming the political climate—runs through his broader argument about drug policy and governance.

Petro defended his record on coca cultivation. which he called the base material for cocaine. and said forced eradication collapsed under his administration. He pointed to 2022 data from the last year of President Iván Duque: Colombian authorities eradicated 130,000 hectares of coca. Under Petro, he said, the figure fell to roughly 9,000—more than a 90% reduction—adding he does not dispute those numbers.

Petro argued he does not want forced eradication because “it doesn’t work,” saying “the money gets stolen.” Instead, his approach involved speaking to rural communities and pursuing voluntary crop substitution.

“I stopped targeting peasant farmers in the territories,” Petro said. “I stopped bombing, burning down their homes, forcibly displacing them and imprisoning them. Instead, I started talking to them, taking advantage of the fact that they trusted me because I am a progressive. What did I achieve?. I stabilized it.”.

Petro walked CBS News through graphics showing a slight downward trend in total coca cultivation since 2024. Daniel Mejía, a professor at Universidad de los Andes who has advised multiple Colombian governments on counternarcotics policy, challenged the picture.

Mejía said this is the first government in 27 years to delay publication of the United Nations coca crop census figures by more than a year. The data that has surfaced shows coca cultivation in Colombia rose by at least 9,000 hectares in 2024, reaching roughly 262,000 hectares. Mejía also said the data provided for the years since comes from within the government.

Petro responded that his government uses the same methodology as the U.N. Mejía said that answer does not satisfy him, and he questioned whether crop substitution is delivering results.

“The government never funded it,” Mejía said. He added that budget execution for Colombia’s crop substitution and alternative development programs never exceeded 15% of allocated funds in any of the first three full years of Petro’s government. and in some years it was as low as 8%. In Mejía’s telling, Petro abandoned the “stick” and barely used the “carrot.”.

While Petro disputes the numbers, the election math now turns toward how voters react to the competing visions.

The 1.6 million votes cast for Paloma Valencia, the mainstream conservative who finished third, are now in play. Valencia endorsed de la Espriella, though her running mate, a center-left politician Juan Daniel Oviedo, still has not.

De la Espriella outperformed his polls to capture 43.3% in the first round against Cepeda’s 40.5%. He is slightly favored heading into the runoff.

If he wins. de la Espriella has promised to resume widespread aerial fumigation of coca fields. a practice banned in Colombia since 2015. He also promotes pursuing boat strikes against suspected drug traffickers and bringing a security doctrine to Colombia similar to that of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele.

Petro argues that backing the right would mean losing allies in the fight against drug trafficking. He said the U.S. is “losing allies who could be powerful partners in the fight against drug trafficking.” And he returned to his central claim: his progressive politics have left him undermined by the Trump administration.

At the edge of this runoff. with de la Espriella leading the first round and Petro warning of a violence that can become “unstoppable. ” the disagreement isn’t only about coca or security. It’s also about who gets to shape Colombia’s direction—Washington, the candidates, or the country’s own electorate.

Colombia election runoff Gustavo Petro Donald Trump endorsement Abelardo de la Espriella Iván Cepeda coca cultivation aerial fumigation ban 2015 political violence warning Marco Rubio Juan Orlando Hernández pardoned