Iran war talks hinge as Vahidi shapes Tehran

With negotiations over the war in Iran hanging by a thread, Brig. Gen. Ahmad Vahidi—sanctioned by the US and wanted by Interpol—is helping shape Tehran’s next moves. His rise after Mohammad Pakpour’s death on February 28 places an uncompromising voice at the c

By the time the negotiations stalled into silence, the man helping set Tehran’s direction was already deep inside the system.

Brig. Gen. Ahmad Vahidi—commander-in-chief of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)—has stepped into the role after his predecessor. Mohammad Pakpour. was killed in US-Israeli strikes on February 28. the first day of the war. As the talks over what happens next hang by a thread. Vahidi is now widely seen as one of the key voices pushing Iran toward a hard line rather than compromise with Washington.

The picture of who Vahidi is—and how much leverage he may hold—comes with heavy labels. The US sanctioned him for his role in cracking down on domestic protests. He is also wanted by Interpol for alleged involvement in a bombing in Argentina three decades ago. Vahidi is tied to the 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, which killed 85 people.

At the same time, US and Israeli efforts to “decapitate” Iran’s leadership have not produced a more moderate ruling circle, experts say. Vahidi’s influence, they argue, suggests the opposite: the leadership making decisions during the war may be radicalizing, not softening.

“He is influential, but (he is) part of a system,” Ali Vaez, Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, said. “Decisions are made in a consensual manner and undoubtedly Vahidi has a very loud voice in the room.”

Those words matter because they frame the stakes for the negotiations themselves. If decisions are made consensually inside Iran’s leadership network, then replacing one figure—Pakpour—with another hardliner may not change the direction of travel. It can simply shift who gets the loudest say.

Vahidi’s reputation for resistance to compromise is not just an assessment by outside analysts. Danny Citrinowicz, former head of the Iran branch of Israel’s military intelligence, described him as “very dominant” and “radical.” He said that without Vahidi, no deal direction can meaningfully move.

“You cannot agree on something without passing (it by) him,” Citrinowicz said. “He is among the people saying if we don’t get what we want, if Trump wants to go back to war, welcome.”

That tension sits directly against President Donald Trump’s warnings this week. Trump said he was on the verge of striking Iran again. threatening to reignite the war unless Tehran agrees to a deal. He later said he was willing to wait to see whether talks progressed, but cautioned that “the clock is ticking.”.

On Wednesday morning, Trump told reporters, “We’re in the final stages of Iran. We’ll see what happens.” He added, “We’ll either have a deal or we’re going to do some things that are a little bit nasty,” and then said, “But hopefully that won’t happen.”

Vahidi has answered in the language of escalation. On Wednesday. he warned that if any further aggression is committed against Iran. the conflict—previously confined within a limited regional war—would “erupt into flames and transcend every border and domain.” He said. “You will receive devastating blows. ” on X. according to Iranian media.

Even Vahidi’s relative invisibility in public life has become part of the story. The commander is not often seen in public. but on Thursday. images of Vahidi meeting Pakistan’s interior minister circulated in media outlets. Iranian media debunked the images, saying Vahidi did not meet the Pakistani official, and that the picture dates back to 2024.

While figures like Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the parliament speaker, and foreign minister Abbas Araghchi are typically seen as Iran’s public faces in negotiations with the US, multiple experts say Vahidi is likely pushing hardline positions from behind the scenes.

The deadlock in those negotiations remains rooted in substance. Iran has refused to accept any proposal it views as capitulation. After weeks of exchanging proposals. Iran’s latest offer did not show significant concessions on critical sticking points. according to a person familiar with the matter. Nuclear enrichment remains central to the impasse.

The war has also shifted who holds power. Experts say that since the Iran war began. Tehran has been led by a small clique of IRGC pedigree who emerged from the rubble of the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s. with Vahidi a key player among them. Vaez said Vahidi has particular clout when the country is at war. while describing him as “a very important actor but within the systemic limitations the Islamic Republic has.”.

Whether that makes him a decisive obstacle to a deal is less certain. In April. the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) in Washington. DC. said that “Vahidi’s apparent willingness to scrap US-Iran talks indicates that Vahidi is prepared to resume the war if needed.” Vaez. however. said there has so far been no evidence that Vahidi is an obstacle.

What is clear is how Vahidi’s track record lines up with a worldview shaped by confrontation. Born in 1958 in Shiraz. he joined the establishment at the inception following the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and was appointed deputy chief of intelligence in 1981. Before then, Iranian media said he studied electronics and industrial engineering.

Over the years, his roles accumulated across the IRGC and the Iranian state: he was Iran’s first commander of the Quds Force, an elite unit of the IRGC. He later assumed several roles, including deputy chief of the IRGC and the Iranian army, defense minister, and interior minister.

In 2022. the US Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctioned him for the violent crackdown against protesters after the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini. Amini was arrested by morality police for allegedly flouting Iran’s Islamic dress code and died in custody. The US Treasury said Vahidi warned Iranian women that security forces would penalize those “breaking rules” in reference to hijab compliance. explicitly threatened protesters. and defended brutal actions in suppressing ongoing protests.

Citrinowicz also tied Vahidi to wider US-designated threat frameworks, saying “He was shaped by the IRGC,” which the US has designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization.

There is also the shadow of assassination history. Several of Vahidi’s predecessors were assassinated by the US and Israel—including Qasem Soleimani, the former commander of the Quds Force. Citrinowicz put it bluntly: “He is a wanted man. He is a guy to be reckoned with.”

For now. the negotiations remain suspended between Trump’s warnings and Tehran’s refusal to concede core positions. with Vahidi emerging as one of the most uncompromising figures inside the decision-making room. If the talks are meant to end a war cycle. the question is whether the person shaping Tehran’s next moves will treat compromise as real—or as an opening to push further.

Ahmad Vahidi IRGC Interpol Mahsa Amini Mahsa Amini crackdown Mohammad Pakpour Qasem Soleimani Buenos Aires bombing 1994 nuclear enrichment talks Donald Trump Iran war negotiations